What's Your Plan to Vote?

Just three weeks from tonight, it will be over.

We likely won’t know the outcome of the presidential election by the evening of November 3 – possibly not until weeks later, so many millions of Americans already having cast their own absentee ballots this time around.

But if you haven’t cast your own by then, you can forget it. Other Americans will have made the big decision for you. it will all be in the hands of election officials who do the counting. Three weeks from tonight.

That makes this Tuesday morning the prime time to ask yourself: “What is my plan to vote?”

In Tennessee, early voting begins on Wednesday. In Nashville, thirteen locations across Davidson County will be available to you. To know the most convenient location near you, check here: https://www.nashville.gov/Election-Commission/Voters/Early-Voting-In-Person.aspx

Make your plan now. Know where to go, and what to bring.

Make yourself a part of this historic election.

© Keel Hunt, 2020

A Democrat Passes

Riley Darnell of Clarksville was one of the last living lions of Tennessee politics from the “In-Between Time.” That was the interregnum that touched four decades - the time when Democrats and Republicans actually got things done.

From the end of the 1960s into the early years of this new century, it was the time that separated the long eras of the fraught supermajorities of single-party control in our state capitol, first by Democrats and currently by the Republicans.

That time was different: More competitive but less bitter in tone than now, more respectful, less national, more local and state focused, generally more productive. Office-holders even had a sense of humor, and most of them enjoyed one another’s company.

In races for governor and legislature, the two political parties’ nominees would compete at a high level. Then between elections the victors generally came together at critical moments on decisions to make Tennessee a better place to live. You can look it up.

Darnell, a Democrat, was one of these. He was an important figure in his time of service, which spanned 38 years. He was 80 when he died last Friday. There are not many survivors left now from that progressive generation.

He was elected to the state House of Representatives in 1970. He served 22 years in the House and Senate, plus his service later on as secretary of state. 

The adjective “powerful” was often connected to Darnell’s name in print. During his legislative heyday, he was the Senate Majority Leader and also chairman of the Senate Transportation Committee.

Jim O’Hara covered the state capitol in Nashville for The Tennessean during this period. He remembers Darnell was an effective lawmaker, a strong Democrat who could collaborate with Republicans on policy when the situation called for it.

“Riley was a fierce and proud Democrat who could also reach across the aisle to get things done,” O’Hara recalled on Sunday.

Gerald Reed was the research analyst for Darnell’s transportation committee, and later was the policy adviser to the secretary of state. 

“Riley was a Democrat with a capital D, but he was always trying to find some common ground with Republicans,” he told me. “The transportation bill of 1986 was an example of that. He also worked very well with Rep. David Ussery, a Republican, on matters of importance to Clarksville and Montgomery County.” 

Paul G. Summers, the former Court of Criminal Appeals judge (1990-1999) and Tennessee attorney general (1999-2006), remembers:

“Riley was a gentlemen. He could be a reasonable person. He knew there were times to cross the aisle. You could trust his word. If Riley told me, ‘Tomorrow is Halloween,’ I would put my jack-o-lantern out on the porch tonight. He could count votes. There was only one time he mis-counted.”

That one time came in December of 1986, when Darnell challenged Lt. Gov. John Wilder for the Senate speakership. This was a heady time for Tennessee Democrats: Ned McWherter had been elected governor just the month before this.

In the 33-member senate, the magic number was 17, and by this time Darnell had the endorsement of the majority Democratic caucus in the upper chamber. He might have won on a strict party-line vote – but for one detail: The cagey, conservative Wilder had quietly secured the votes of all the GOP senators, plus six of the Democrats who were loyal to him.

Wilder thus won another term. (For years to come, Nashville’s Sen. Douglas Henry, a Democrat and one of the Wilder loyalists, delighted in calling Wilder’s odd coalition: The “Wilder-Beast.”) The rebellion was put down quickly, but it cost Darnell his committee chairmanship.

In 1992, Darnell lost his bid for re-election to the Senate, but he never lost his political footing at the capitol, and he would never relinquish his good name: That next January, in the legislature’s organizing session of 1993, the Democratic Caucus made him secretary of state.

Riley Darnell would serve there, with distinction, for the next 16 years.

© Keel Hunt, 2020

No Joy in Mudville

Our expectations were already low for this, and our petulant President did not disappoint.

Donald Trump demonstrated last night, at full volume, why there should be no more debates in this 2020 election cycle. It was the furthest thing from educational, uplifting, ennobling or illuminating that we could have imagined.

It wasn’t even entertaining, in the way that candidate debates can often be. It was exhausting. The only thing more depressing this morning is the deadening idea that anyone still believes there ought to be even one more of these.

Nobody won this “debate” last night. We all lost.

That 90 minutes was painfully emblematic of what has become of civility in our national politics under this joyless regime. The “Presidential Debates” of old are one more lamentable tradition that lies in tatters in the morning light.

If there must be a second debate in this cycle – and personally I’ve had enough – there must be an overhaul of the format that gives it more structure to put brakes on Trump’s ceaseless interruptions. It’s abundantly clear why he behaves in this manner: It’s a desperation at work. The bullying is all he knows and all the policy he has to offer – and it serves no one, not even him.

There was much commentary overnight that faulted the moderator Chris Wallace. But It is unfair to blame the moderator. The moderator needs one electronic tool in particular: A button or switch to kill the microphone of any uncooperative candidate. Let’s start with that.

The easy reply to this suggestion – too easy – is that the candidates and their respective negotiators would never agree to that. But the negotiations between the competing campaigns have become elaborate rounds of discussion that yielded little that truly serves the rest of us. It’s a format that aims to be fair, but produces chaos in the hands of this uncivil President.

I suspect the vaunted Commission that traditionally oversees these arrangements has outlived its timidity. No debate is preferable to one that is rendered purposeless by Trump’s constant interruption and his constant needling of his opponent.

While no one was the debate victor last night, Joe Biden to my eye did his best to help Wallace keep the discussion on track. (Biden’s best moments on the split-screen were when he just shook his head and smiled.)

No one watching at home could have heard anything helpful.

We don’t need any more of these impossible evenings.

Like the 2020 election itself, we need this thing to be over.

© Keel Hunt, 2020

The Debates & the Debtor

The first of the Biden-Trump presidential debates will air tomorrow night. Our expectations could not be lower.

For all the hype, candidate encounters like this can be mind-numbing affairs. They can sometimes be fun to watch, but this time around I can’t imagine there are five voters left in America – from sea to shining sea – who don’t know exactly how they are voting at this point.

For one thing, President Trump has so lowered any expectations for Biden’s own performance – unfairly calling him decrepit and easily addled – that the former Vice President could hardly do anything to disappoint his own supporters.

At the same time, Trump blames Biden for most of the wreckage that’s happened on his own watch – from pandemic deaths to stock market troubles. (“Beware,” Trump and his surrogates warn, “the Democrats are coming for your women and your suburbs!”) Never mind that Trump’s statements are seldom truthful.

Anyway, forget all that. The really big story this week has already broken, on Sunday evening, in that New YorkTimes blockbuster on Trump’s record of tax dodges. It seems the key to his financial success (if you can call it that) has been a careful mix of canny lawyers, creative accountants, and shameless impunity.

Of course, Trump dismisses these revelations (as he always does) as so much “fake news.” That blanket sneer covers a large category of news for him these days.

Two technical terms come to mind for this kind of tax-avoiding behavior: “Shell Game” and “House of Cards.” Let’s add one more – “National Security Risk.” That worry seems to echo loudly between the lines, considering President Trump’s revealed mountain of leveraged debt. 

Two years from now, when the Times says the big tab comes due on these obligations, who exactly will cover these debts? On that day, who will Trump’s new banker be? Excellent question.

It’s the kind of potential vulnerability to manipulation that intelligence officials are trained to watch for with a suspect official in the bureaucracy. We just don’t tend to think of a U.S. President as being in that predicament himself.

Come to think of it, all Trump’s attacks against the credibility of objective news media (his calculated “enemies of the people” smears, and all that) may have been designed in the first place for this precise moment. Some hard tax data was bound to surface one day, and there would come a point – this point – when the chips would be down. His ultimate dodge would have to be, “Don’t trust them. Only trust me.”

Even so, this debate may be fun to watch, at least as pure entertainment.

Joe could bring along a stack of his own tax returns, then smile across the debate stage at Don, and calmly say:

“There’s mine, Mr. President. Where’s yours?”

© Keel Hunt, 2020

Why a 'Peaceful Transition' Matters

It was, in fact, our first President who said these words:

“What is most important of this grand experiment, the United States? Not the election of the first president, but the election of its second president. The peaceful transition of power is what will separate this country from every other country in the world.”

President Washington well understood that voters may choose differently between one election and the next. He knew that American patriots had not fought, bled, and died just to install one more monarchy on the Earth. Our representative democracy would not turn upon any candidate’s loss or disappointment but upon the consent of the governed. Always.

Today we are less than five weeks from our 2020 presidential election, and these words of Washington are exceptionally timely. His statement above, together with the requirements of the U.S. Constitution, are the guiding lights. They also give us a proper context for understanding the petulant presidency of Donald Trump.

When our President Trump was asked this week if he will accept the coming election result should he lose, he gave an unacceptable reply. “Well," he said, “we’re going to have to see what happens.” Wrong answer. 

He insists, instead, that we accept a Catch-22 of his own design: Either he wins, or else fraud must’ve been afoot. But these aren’t the only possible outcomes. There’s a third: An incumbent can also lose. This has been unusual in our history, but it has happened before.

Our Founders ordained that the people would be sovereign, not a king. They provided for elections as national rituals of central importance. In a pandemic, as now, the final count will surely take extra time to conclude, and it will require our patience.

And if you lose, you leave the White House in peace.

© Keel Hunt, 2020

The Final Degradation

What is unfolding in Washington DC this morning should make no one proud.

It does not honor America – so little honor happens in our capital city anymore – and it certainly honors not the memory and long service and noble example of the late Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg.

This slavish, wild-eyed rush to judgment by the dutiful disciples of Donald Trump (see how they all fall in line) is but a blatant show of raw political power for its own sake. No one questions that the Party of Trump has the votes to do this. But it’s not right.

They may as well just dispense with the strained logic that Washington uses with itself, the pettifogging over precedent and the prerogatives of the majority. Please, spare us that now. We’ve heard it all before, and it still is not persuasive.

The difference this time is that the American people see Trump fully for what he is. And we see his allies in the Senate for what they are: They are, out of fear, his serial enablers. And no amount of hair-splitting over historical precedents will mask this now.

There is nothing high-minded nor noble about Donald Trump. Nothing.

And there is nothing honorable nor proud in how his cronies in the U.S. Senate throw palm-fronds at his feet.

If we have learned nothing else about our accidental President, we have learned this: There is no bottom level in the house where his mind lives, no lower limit to his disregard for the U.S. Constitution. For him, and his enablers, it is all a matter of transactions that benefit him.

They care not for our collective memory of RBG, one of the great champions of equality in human history, and the role model she became especially for millions of women and girls in our society. Instead, on this very weekend of her death, our memories of her long service must be polluted by low transactional politics - and worries across the nation of what our pandering president will now do to erase the lessons of her service.

Months ago I became weary of reading the lame commentary out of Washington that Trump “took over the Republican Party.” That’s not what happened.

What actually happened was this: The leaders we used to identify as “Republican” simply surrendered and walked off the field. They deserted the scene of conflict, rather than face it squarely. They simply joined his cult. Those honorable “leaders” are nowhere to be found anymore. They held the door open for Trump and his troops, and then - out of fear, anxious for their jobs - retreated into silence.

The current moment suggests a twist on the famous line from the Army-McCarthy hearings, when Senator Joe McCarthy was finally put in his place:

Question: Have you no shame, sir?

Answer: No, none. None whatsoever.

This silence has been shameless. Its effect might well be our ruin as a nation - but for one thing. The hope of America now arrives with our coming election, no matter how many of us vote by mail, no matter how long it takes to count us all, every one.

For all the worries and doubts that Trump and his scheming cronies have built into our voting this year, it is possible that he in his zeal and pandering to his base has also stumbled backward into handing the Biden campaign the biggest “October Surprise” of all.

This trampling on the memory of RBG may be the final outrage, the final degradation that activates voters by the millions and fills us with a solemn resolve.

© Keel Hunt, 2020

The Best ‘October Surprise’ of All

We continue to wonder, even here at the midpoint of September, what the ‘October Surprise’ may turn out to be. I have determined what I hope it may yet be.

The notion of a last-minute political surprise with the potential to swing a presidential election has examples in our history of U.S. elections. It is usually thought to be a cynical ploy, one that is geared to the personal ambitions of one candidate over another. It doesn’t have to be so.

As far-fetched as this may read, my hope is that President Trump would yet launch – even now – a true national strategy that would unite us against this scourge of Covid-19. It is within his presidential power to do this. And it is not too late.

Of course, this doing this one Right Thing would entail many moving parts, and with some rapid action now. Coordinating the parts won’t be easy. It would take some capacity on the President’s part to acknowledge that our nation has stumbled initially, but that we possess the capacity for great resolve. We just need to hear the need of it voiced from the White House, as in earlier times of great national challenge.

The easy thing would be to scorn even the possibility of this. But I believe most Americans – the overwhelming majority, that is, who live outside the Political Class – would embrace and accept such a turnaround as noble and worthy and certainly needed. It would take an acknowledgement by Trump of the errors in his early response to the pandemic. But this level of candor would be welcomed.

There is still time to set things aright regarding the politicization of the nation’s public health apparatus, the multitude of state government responses, the catastrophe of a missing national strategy, and the chaos of competing aims and opinions at a time like this.

This would be the biggest October Surprise of all. It would save lives. It could save our economy, even now.

There is always time to do the right thing. Doing the right thing is the best kind of politics.

© Keel Hunt, 2020

The Spoken Word

Yesterday morning I spent a fine half-hour talking with my friend Pat Nolan, as his guest this weekend on “Inside Politics” on Channel 5+.

To be precise, it was more like 21 minutes. There were three seven minute segments (allowing for the insertion of two commercial breaks). And this time, although Pat was inside the Channel 5 studio downtown, as normal, I was at my desk at home, participating via Zoom.

It went swimmingly. Pat only had to admonish me once, during the first break, to not go on so long with my answers. I will go on, but this was television after all, where time is of the essence and the clock rules.

This was not my first rodeo, and I am always amazed at how much ground Pat can get you to cover in just a little bit of time. Before our brief session was over, we had touched on politics, the presidency, the virus, schools, sports, and the world. So well does Pat Nolan, the professional, prepare.

To this day, I continue to be amazed at how television works. I was trained in the written word, not the spoken. At the newspaper, we did our work in a world of keyboards, pencils, and notebooks. Pat’s world is about lights, cameras, and action.

Over the years, I have had my share of exposure to TV studios and the people who make them work. Pat’s colleagues in the cool medium are, like him, sharp professionals and include many of Tennessee’s (and America’s) best journalists. The work they do is essential to our democracy.

I think now of Bob Mueller and Demetria Kalodimos, Chris Clark and Anne Holt and Carol Marin in their day, to name a just a few. Some of them go on to larger TV markets (as Carol did) but many of the best didn’t leave and remained with us in this Nashville market. Lucky us.

In the 1980s I had my own personal experience with a television studio, apart from the occasional on-camera news interview relating to my day job then at the State Capitol: Alan Griggs, then the news director at Channel 4, invited me to bring a weekly editorial-type commentary for Channel 4, the NBC affiliate, at the close of the “Scene at Six.” For a couple of years, my nights were Mondays.

Time was always of the essence in that studio, too. I was allotted just two minutes. And my salvation was that my piece was taped, not live. We could ask for a do-over, and I often did so. I enjoyed it immensely – well, except for that one Monday when I thought to wear a bow-tie for my broadcast gig. (Soon after my performance aired, my Mom called me up and said, “Honey, never wear a bow-tie on TV again.”)

Speaking of the spoken word. Here’s a question for my Field Notes subscribers, whose numbers by the way have climbed to 515 as of last Wednesday:

Some are suggesting that I think about developing a podcast, similar to a broadcast interview program. I admit it’s a fun idea, but it would take some careful time-management, in addition to the investment in equipment. On the other hand, it could allow for conversations with special guests and in an online format that today is easily accessed for listeners.

But what do you think of this notion? I would appreciate your thoughts.

I have been told, after all, that I have a good face for radio.

© Keel Hunt, 2020

'Nashville is on Fire'

Those four words appeared, in 2018, in Nashville’s glossy pitch-book to Amazon.com, presenting the city’s best case for winning the online retailer’s coveted “HQ2” location.

On one level, the phrase was simply in the ever-hopeful language of the civic booster. ABC’s Nashville had recently revived the city’s celebrity as a music capital, and so our old “Music City” brand was new again, burning white-hot with the kind of positive fire that dazzles.

But I remember thinking, at the time, that the same phrase might carry a double meaning for many others in my hometown now. In the moment, the words brought an echo of recent growth conflicts – too much traffic and congestion, displacement of neighborhoods, even the felling of cherry trees at Nashville’s front door - and of the deepening concern with public administration at the police department.

No one likes to admit it, but this more painful type of fire is gathering intensity now. Regular people are feeling it. Remember that abrupt avalanche of signatures to an online poll concerning the NFL Draft event? And, this summer, the outpouring of feet and voices to City Hall searching for racial justice? Neither of these protest actions sprouted from thin air.

Nashville is still searching for itself. Amazon came, yes, so the city’s fine pitch worked. But how will our city rise to the modern challenge of the other fires that burn? Can we match the hard questions with good answers, too?

Our diverse city has many dimensions to its life, and growth does bring pain. On one hand, there’s the image we broadcast to the world as we compete for jobs and wealth. Then there’s how the city actually works – or doesn’t – for some citizens day to day.

Beneath all of this are the anxieties that fill many hearts now, the type of concerns rarely felt in the clubs and boardrooms of the establishment. Yet we must all live in the one city.

Some folks even speak of leaving the city, either literally by moving away or just avoiding visits to the central business district. Both are cop-outs.

I am reminded of the words of Colonel James Robertson, in 1782, when the beleaguered inhabitants of Fort Nashborough debated whether they should just give up and leave. Attacks by Native Americans had begun soon after the easterners and their flatboats arrived and had not let up. Some in the fraught settlement on the bluff thought it might be best to move on, maybe on to Kentucky or even further away.

“I have never thought of leaving,” Robertson, the co-founder, countered. “When we came, the whole country was in possession only of the buffalo, bear, deer, and all wild animals. There were no Indians living within hundreds of miles of our settlements. Here is the extensive rich country; we shall find no better.”

That was a long time ago, true enough, and obviously we live in a different context now. But currently we have a scary wildness of another sort assaulting our community: This time it’s heedless visitors plus a few selfish bar owners, all oblivious to the coronavirus pandemic, in their refusal to wear simple masks.

The right choice is not to abandon the central city, but to fix it. It’s not only about their liberty, but my health and yours.

My friend Butch Spyridon has a timely column this week over at  https://www.tennessean.com/story/opinion/2020/08/27/nashville-resilient-so-lets-work-together-get-through-covid-19/5643736002/

As head of the Convention and Visitors Corp., Butch takes the heat when our mushrooming tourism economy impacts the rest of us. He noted the alarming scenes of partiers jamming downtown sidewalks, threatening public health. We ought, he insists, to be supporting one another much better than this.

“Too many people are pointing fingers of resentment and blame rather than reaching out with compassion and support,” he writes. “How can Nashvillians who rescued senior citizens stranded in the flood now shun masks to save their lives?”

The man makes a good point.

© Keel Hunt, 2020

What Would Suffragists Think?

This week we observe the 100th anniversary of the 19th Amendment, the great landmark in U.S. history that gave women the right to vote. We especially celebrate it across Tennessee, the decisive 36th state to ratify.

As it turns out, we were vividly reminded by two big news events before the weekend why the 19th has been so important in American life for so long:

  1. Senator Kamala Harris of California became the first woman of color to become a national party’s candidate for vice president. The Democrat Joe Biden announced she will be his running-mate. (You can imagine the suffragists of a century ago smiling at this news.)

  2. Meanwhile President Trump, on a somewhat lower road, admitted his aim to prevent the U.S. Postal Service from helping Americans wanting to vote by mail during the coronavirus pandemic. (He seems to fear a big turnout.) Read here what he said: https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/2020/08/12/postal-service-ballots-dejoy/

These two developments, to my thinking, together pulled into a sharp focus the high stakes for democracy in this strange election year for you and me.

I wondered what the suffragists of 1920 might make of all this now, if they could but observe our current scene one hundred years later?

I believe they would salute the former, and detest the latter.

o

This afternoon I caught up, by phone, with the writer Elaine Weiss at her home in Baltimore. She is the author of The Woman’s Hour: The Great Fight to Win the Vote. Her acclaimed book has become the definitive history of the suffrage fight for the 19th Amendment and of Tennessee’s contentious, climactic role in it. (It clearly recalls, for instance, how the movement was chiefly a white one, failing to secure the vote for African-American women.)

So, I put my question to her: What do you imagine the suffragists would think, watching the U.S. political scene today?

She minced no words, telling me: “They would shake their heads and ask us, ‘Have you learned nothing in the past century?’

“I think they would be disappointed,” she continued, “that a citizen’s right to vote is being suppressed – and not by rogue elements but by our legislatures, and by whole portions of our political apparatus. I think they would shake their heads at the very idea that letting all citizens vote is somehow debatable again.

“We’ve fought wars to protect our democracy, to defend democracy. But, in our own democracy, we see complacency again about what that means.”

Weiss brings, too, a personal family connection to this current Postal Service scandal: Her father, she told me, was a postman in his career.

“I was nurtured and raised in the postal service,” she said. “My father had served in the military and later went to work, as many did, for the Post Office. He would be angry about this. He’d be writing letters. He’d be in the streets, if necessary. This is blatantly manipulative. It’s a federal crime to impede the delivery of mail, you know.”

o

Where was it written that the Post Office must make a profit? Not in the U.S. Constitution, which established it. This essential institution also has had enormous popular support ever since.

The deliveries by U.S. mail - of medicines, Social Security payments, ballots, unemployment relief checks (when Washington can agree) - is a service, not a business. Make it more efficient, yes, but such a fundamental public utility is inherently inefficient given its purpose. Anyone who corrupts it through sabotage, theft, or manipulation ought to be arrested, then thrown in the nearest stockade. Anyone.

Suffragists, in their day, dealt with many types of politicians. Throughout their long campaign, they used many tactics and also slogans to keep the purpose of their movement burning bright. But three words especially - “Deeds Not Words” - helped them to keep the movement focused, and challenge many elected officials from Washington to Nashville. 

“Deeds Not Words,” they insisted.

That’s a useful focus now as then, whenever confronting a dissembling politician, high or low.

Watch what the president does, not what he says. And always cast your ballot. It did not come cheap.

© Keel Hunt, 2020

'Playing the Game'

Yesterday two of the nation’s Division I college athletic conferences – the Big Ten and the Pac 12 – announced they will postpone the 2020 football season.

The rest of the conferences now ought to do the same.

This decision to cancel might have been a no-brainer, what with coronavirus racing across our country now, but for one huge emotional reality: The gut-level feelings of glory around what happens each Saturday on gridirons in the fall, especially across the South. The passion of sports involved with college football ranks, in its intensity, up there close to NASCAR’s. Or higher.

The reality is also seriously financial. TV revenues that are allocated to each school easily get into the millions, and universities come to rely on this important stream of dollars.

Especially down here in the Southeastern Conference, we have our temples of loud reverence to college football (they are called Neyland Stadium, the Swamp, Jordon-Hare, that place Between the Hedges, and the rest). Anywhere near these raucous venues, one treads with high caution around any suggestion that the traditions of fall might vary.

There are, of course, actually several different “games” going on now, most well beyond the physical contests that engage two football teams. There is the game politicians play, driven by some elected officials wanting our return to “normal” to come quickly. There are the many insistent alumni boosters, and many high-profile coaches who see no need to postpone anything. And, almost an after-though, there is what’s become of public health and its guidances.

In this rarefied atmosphere, college administrators and their under-grads are caught in the middle of a sharply contested culture war.

Covid-19 has arguably changed everything, even our previously shared belief in the importance of science, such as what physics are also at play when young men crash into each other on the field, urged ever onward by the roar of the crowds.

But what of the athletes themselves and their health? What of their futures? And what of all the rest of the students on a given campus the following Monday morning? There is no normal now.

And what now from the Southeastern Conference? Yesterday all that the SEC commissioner would say is that if other conferences say “No” to a 2020 season, well, his might do the same.

Not exactly a Profile in Courage there.

© Keel Hunt, 2020

The Three Confusions

We always thought it would come from the outside – the direct attack on America, upsetting our institutions and our democracy.

It had never occurred to me, except in those Cold War thrillers like Seven Days in May, that the coordinated assault would come from inside our own borders. And yet this is what is happening now, in more ways than one.

The worst of what’s happening now, we are doing to ourselves. It also appears that many of us don’t perceive the full reality of it. Small wonder, what with all the noise on social media and the angry hair-trigger street-corner arguments.

I might call these the “Three Confusions” - the conditions that keep us from seeing what’s happening, provoke us to castigate each other so, and from realizing what truly can be done about it.

1. It’s Not the Russians.

Putin and his minions are spreading quite enough mischief, mind you. U.S. intelligence agencies have made that much crystal clear. But the real culprits sowing our current domestic unrest are much closer to home. 

It’s not the Russians who are chiefly to blame. The anxious turmoil here in the U.S. today comes from dis-information that we ourselves tolerate. It’s our own failure to stay focused, our capacity for being easily distracted, our condition of being so downright gullible on a staggering scale in this current age. That is the behavior that leads to old friends attacking each other, siblings not just disagreeing but verbally assaulting one another. The scorched earth even within families and between old friends is something new and very wrong. It is a failure in the spirit of our citizenship. It blinds us to the strength of our own diversity, and to our belief in each other.

There are plenty of threats from hostile parties elsewhere on our planet, the regimes that wish us ill. (Arguably there are even more now that President Trump has abandoned or offended historical allies, even as he defends Putin and Russia.) In the current world order, we Americans wake up some mornings and seem to find ourselves on the wrong side of the Iron Curtain.

This is happening now, on our own shores, and on more than one level of government, that seem determined to erode democracy, public health, and our general welfare.

2. It’s Not Trump, but Ourselves.

In my view, it is not President Trump nor his counter-factual administration that fundamentally troubles America now. They are easy targets. But what ails us in our country is deeper, angrier and has raged much longer than even the coronavirus.

It is the deeper sickness of racism, the savagery of violence, the maladies of selfishness. Trump only sanctioned bad actors, though our civil society is paying the price now.

Trump is not Hitler, nor Mussolini, nor any one of the world’s current crop of dictators. He is, rather, like Senator Joe McCarthy and any number of other dangerous bad actors and clowns who have stained our civic arena and our own history, a bully who names shadowy villains that suit his own purposes.

The enemies of democracy now, sadly, are some governors and legislators and secretaries of state, the ones who might – but don’t – make voting safer, more secure, and more fully participated in. They also rarely explain themselves, except in the most narrowly procedural ways.

This is our true national malady, not one President. Trump is just a symptom.

We can do better than this.

3. We Are Too Quick to Trigger

Regrettably, any criticism of the Trump government is met with such now-standard retorts as these:

“You just hate Trump.”

No, I don’t hate anyone. Hatred is not what I feel. Moreso, I feel sadness, mixed with defiance and knowledge that we can do better. I am opposed to the erosion of our norms and the failure of anyone in authority - in any municipality, any state administration as well as federal - to address the challenges to fairness and injustice.

“So you like the Democrats better?”

No, I don’t favor one political party over the other. What I want is good government. For that, we need both parties truly competing and in the process fashioning good policy, not the arrogant smugness and silence of super-majorities.

It is time to call a stop to any of these confusions.

A good election will help. If, that is, we understand our duty as citizens, the lessons of history, the need for competent leaders, and cast our votes for freedom and the future. And that we are not kept from broadly doing so.

But it will take more than one election to undo the deeper damage. And our hearts have to be in it, not just partisanship.

© Keel Hunt, 2020

Theme Park of Poor Choices

For going on three centuries now, the lower end of Nashville’s Broadway – say, from Fifth Avenue down to the river – has been a zone of commerce and retail trade and, more recently, serious tourism.

A century ago, this street was near enough to the old Opry to draw the most ardent fans of real country music. And, if you couldn’t get into the Ryman, you could be entertained by the wannabe buskers on the sidewalks outside the honky-tonks, the saloons where money walks in the door and never walks out. Later on, when the Titans and the Predators came to town, network television could count on colorful cutaway shots galore, what with the all the neon on this strip of seeming nocturnal happiness.

This was our very own French Quarter, our Boardwalk, our Navy Pier, our Las Vegas Strip.

Then it accelerated.

I remember thinking, at some point in the past decade, how our downtown had become just another theme park. Nashvillians had been lamenting the loss of Opryland USA, but its sensation of celebrity had merely shifted to the central city. For a lot of us natives, first the crowds became an issue. Then it was harder (and more expensive) to find a place to park. Then, what I might call the non-alcoholic retail slowly departed.

Now, our Lower Broad is famous again but for all the wrong reasons. With our world gripped by the coronavirus, and our state and city with it, Nashville’s Broadway has become the wrong kind of cutaway shot for news media. Our downtown has become a theme park of poor choices.

Over the weekend two Tennessean staffers, the reporter Yihyun Jeong and the photographer Andrew Nelles – ventured into this zone. They returned with this story and these images of a rolling “super-spreader” event: https://www.tennessean.com/story/news/health/2020/08/03/broadway-partiers-ignore-nashville-mask-mandate/5567471002/

On the one hand, these scenes are quite familiar to us. On the other hand, considering the Covid public health nightmare that is still racing through our society, these pictures are chilling.

The defiance over face coverings has found a festive, malleable Theater of the Absurd on our Lower Broadway. Some of these seem oblivious to the danger. Others, when asked, become very angry. These strut their selfish sense of freedom down the sidewalks, ranking their personal liberty over your public health. City Hall and the Health Department seem flummoxed and paralyzed by that especially.

Observing all this, it is not the melodies of Hank’s “Oh, Lonesome Me” or Dolly’s “I Will Always Love You” that I hear in my head. It’s now more like the darkness of the Eagles’ “Hotel California” or Barry McGuire’s “Eve of Destruction.”

May God save us all.

© Keel Hunt, 2020

Race to the Bottom

This was supposed to be no race at all. That’s how the insiders saw it, one year ago.

Bill Hagerty and his pals figured it would all be over before it even started. But Manny Sethi didn’t get that memo. On Wednesday, Politico magazine called Tennessee’s GOP Senate primary the “nastiest Republican primary in the country.”

What happened? Let’s review…

1.    The Senate seat in question is the one held since 2002 by Lamar Alexander, the only Tennessean in history to be elected both Governor and Senator. Eighteen months ago, when Alexander announced his retirement in January 2021, his office became an “open seat” - and a must-hold for the national Republicans, so narrow is their controlling majority in that upper chamber. 

2.    Hagerty, who was then President Trump’s ambassador to Japan, looked in the mirror and believed he saw the next senator from Tennessee. One year ago, Trump himself threw Hagerty’s hat in the ring for him – an unorthodox move, to be sure, but then Trump is an unorthodox president. Hagerty thus became Trump’s Chosen One. The president’s push would surely carry him to the nomination (which will be decided on Thursday).

3.    Soon after this, Sethi, a trauma surgeon, declared he would run also. Over the past year, he has garnered support from some of the Tennessee GOP’s other activists, including the former congressmen Ed Bryant of Jackson and Zach Wamp of Chattanooga. A key adviser is the former state party chair Susan Richardson-Williams of Knoxville. His campaign claims the race is now close.

These circumstances have made for a curious primary battle, and one that says much about what high-level Republican politics has come to in both our state and nation.

The Alexander seat still seems a safe one for the GOP to hold. But, on this final weekend before the primary, we might have appreciated knowing a little more about these two men.

When it comes to party primaries (especially when picking nominees for national office) the old saw is: “Democrats fall in love. Republicans fall in line.” When Trump and Hagerty made it official a year ago, there was much falling in line among the current first tier of the new Republican Party. Since that time, Sethi has at least made the contest more interesting. 

Hagerty, in fact, has a sterling history in business and public service. Sethi, too, has a solid record of accomplishments in his medical field. You would never know it. We don’t hear much about either man just listening to the opposition advertising that has flooded Tennessee media markets. Their messages are only about adherence to the Trump line now.

You may be wondering: When was the candidate debate for such a high office, where we might have learned more about their minds, their ideas for government, what principles are most important to guide our country now, how they think through problems? Forget it. That debate never happened. (Sethi asked. Hagerty declined.)

But this race in Tennessee is one where voters would have been better served by a properly formatted, well-moderated joint appearance by these two candidates. The kind where those cute consultant-penned zingers aren’t enough, where good reporters on a panel might persist with follow-up questions getting to straight answers to questions of national policy. 

Voters who don’t know them personally don’t have much basis for decision-making beyond TV commercials. Left unspoken are what the two men – each one obviously accomplished, clearly well-educated, highly respected over their careers – actually think about anything other than Trump. So it has gone for the past year.

Time was, not so long ago in Tennessee, a candidate’s familiarity with Asia and the opportunities it gave Tennessee for new manufacturing jobs (think Japan, and Nissan) was seen as a badge of honor. Today, among national Republicans anyway, not so much.

Time was, there was better acceptance in the political class of new Americans (such as Sethi’s own parents, who came from India). No longer. Immigration is now a radioactive word among Republican politicians. Sad, but true.

You would think these two accomplished men might be talking about substantive topics, that a real leader might have an idea for making our state and our nation stronger. Not so.

What structural reforms would you favor to help heal the economy? (Silence.) What about NATO, and nuclear disarmament, and Russia? (Crickets.) What of poverty and hunger and racial justice? (Say what?) Answering any of those might risk running athwart the Trump Doctrine (whatever that is).

You would think that Hagerty and Sethi, two men who otherwise seem ready to serve, might have had more to say to us than their constant references to our sitting president, modeling him and his behavior. Instead, this primary race, at an early point, became flush with fear - fear of Trump, especially, but also their fear of engaging the better part of the rest of us.

This primary has been a race to the bottom.

© Keel Hunt, 2020

The October Surprise

In all this frenzied run-up to the presidential election – the anticipation and arguing about who will win and who may lose the White House in November – we should take care to give a thought, first, to October.

In that last full month before the big election, strange things have happened in our American presidential history. Some became famous, in fact, and it even has a name: It is called “The October Surprise.”

It’s almost an institution. In 2016 the Smithsonian Magazine even wrote about the phenomenon, how it happens, and why it has mattered. Reagan did it to Carter. Clinton did it to Bush. Even Jefferson did it to Adams. Read it here: https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/strange-history-october-surprise-180960741/

Here then is the big question of 2020: What will the surprise be this October?

Something military? Or diplomatic, or economic? Maybe we will learn, on Halloween morning, about “Peace in our Time” as they might say?

Or maybe, for a change of pace in our time, even a piece of news that’s broadly calming and reassuring? Maybe, at last, a coronavirus vaccine? That would be nice. (Late, but nice.)

More likely, though, it will be something shocking or scary. Like another of those “invading hordes” on the way? (Wait, that’s been done.)

Or, you have to ask yourself: In 2020 will anyone even notice another surprise? With an administration so given to reversals and surprises on a daily basis, will we will detect one more?

More likely, it will be a real whopper. We will read, on some morning in October, and watch on the network news that evening something scary that’s designed to “wag the dog” - that is, meant sway a big election. And don’t bet some guys aren’t thinking it up this very morning. 

Here’s how it works: It’s a scheduled late hit. It’s a planned sucker-punch that’s calculated to land so late its victim (the opposing candidate and his people) have no time, practically speaking, to respond.

Does that strike you as fair? Are you kidding me? In politics, anything goes.

The smartest thing for us voters to do is to brace ourselves ahead of such an event. And then let even the biggest shocker you can imagine roll off you like so much water off a duck’s back.

Let’s all resolve, right now, not to be surprised at all.

© Keel Hunt, 2020

Why We Must Vote

On this last Sunday of July, in the worst of the summer heat, I have a strange mixture of feelings about the coming season.

There’s the normal anticipation of fall and the freshening of cooler weather. But this year all that is unfortunately blended with a measure of sourness and dread. This November, of course, we will have that election.

I am of two minds about it.

Elections, on the one hand, are usually hopeful events. Usually, nothing clarifies things like a broad vote with a good turnout. This time around I am clear enough about who I hope wins this election for President, yes, but more to the point I also feel we need a clarifying landslide for two reasons: For the winner truly to carry the day, and for our nation to begin some form of a healing process essential to moving forward.

Normally on the last Sunday in July, whichever way you lean in a presidential election, there is anticipation about the coming conventions. Never mind that conventions at some point became little more than television spectacles.

But not this year, and it’s not just the pandemic that has it all upended. The desperation of President Trump is observable now, almost palpable, on any screen.

So far, there is little that’s civil – and nothing fun – about this election of 2020. This November, we shall see how divided our country truly is. Because it will be the voters who tell us, not columnists nor pollsters nor politicians. This, to me, is the main reason to go vote in the first week of the November (or sooner) in this particular year. We all must.

That’s how the result will tell us what kind of country we have become? This November, we will see whether we have in fact changed as a nation, as many pundits tell us we have. And this is also why this 2020 election must be honest and fair and broadly participated in.

We fundamentally need to know if we have lost historic ground as a united country and have become, in our cities and towns, as extreme as the people on the evening news tell us?

(There is likely to be skirmishing, even after the votes are counted in this election, unless there has been a clear winner. Here I am thinking most about the Trump side. He has so inflamed his following, and so attempted to undermine constitutional government and also good journalism - all those traditional ways that we have seen ourselves clearly as countrymen and taken our country’s measure.)

Or will this election, as has happens in most of them, clarify that the greater number of our voters are in fact ready for a sea change back to good governance in Washington? That will be my vote.

As one American, my vote will be for a turn back to the center of the road, back to responsible and inclusive wise policies that elevate people, not the politics that is crass and low, venal and ever scheming.

What about you?

© Keel Hunt, 2020

Sons of the South

WNPT, public television in Nashville, has done another valuable service to American history by posting an extraordinary 1998 interview by John Seigenthaler with Congressman John Lewis.

It was an episode of Seigenthaler’s popular TV series about books and authors, called A Word on Words. The occasion for this installment was the publication that year of Lewis’ book Walking with the Wind: A Memoir of the Movement.

If you want to learn a lot in a little time about the history of civil rights, of Nashville, of these two distinguished men, I recommend you go to this link soon: https://video.wnpt.org/video/john-lewis-a-word-on-words-with-john-seigenthaler-npt-slvj0c/?fbclid=IwAR0ABpmJYnC98yCqgrvbqt7RRAl054xs-XwOnl2KwaCefhBOS3J2XKWo-Zc

I sat with it yesterday, on Sunday afternoon, and watched as they spoke of what each remembered. At the time of this recording, it had been nearly thirty years since both, in different roles, walked into history in Montgomery, Alabama.

They recalled, they laughed, they even learned something they hadn’t known about each other until the day of this interview. On my side of the screen there were smiles, and there were tears.

Lewis and Seigenthaler had much in common. Both were sons of the south, though hailing from different states and circumstances - Lewis from Alabama, and Seigenthaler from Tennessee - and their early years brought them into direct contact with people and causes now famous in our country.

Of course they looked different now, with the passing of years. Lewis more portly, his host if anything more Irish. Seigenthaler’s hair curly and grey now, Lewis’ gone. Their voices indelible. Both men could be quiet, and both could boom as necessary. In spite of the blood and the beatings they remembered, both could flash an easy smile. Both could laugh while remembering lighter moments.

And both are now gone. Seigenthaler passed six years ago last week, Lewis on Friday. But they left behind much that we ought to remember, all of us.

I am grateful for this archival recording, this glimpse of two friends and heroes. I recommend it to you.

© Keel Hunt, 2020

John Lewis & the 'Good Trouble'

Today any one of us who was ever touched by Congressman John Lewis is surely thinking of him and his good life. Thinking of all the ways he influenced our own lives - this gentle man who could speak with the preacher’s thunder.

Word came this morning that Mr. Lewis has passed, and there is a hole in our hearts. The feeling today is one of sadness and great loss, of course, but it’s mixed with awe and admiration and love. And we are left to ponder, as we should, what any of us might do now to honor how he lived his life.

Certainly there are things we can, you and I. We can go vote when the day comes. We can speak out for justice. We can remember the difference between right and wrong. We can reach out to one another. We can remember John Lewis.

He lived for justice. And freedom. And voting rights. And democracy. And all the other good things our flawed, imperfect nation has stood for since its founding. John Lewis believed our union could be perfected, that all men and women shared a kinship in their souls. This is why he stirred up what he called “Good Trouble” - which he did to the end of his days.

On my bookshelf at home stands a cherished keepsake: It is my own well-thumbed copy of David Halberstam’s The Children. Its pages tell the stories of Mr. Lewis, and of the Rev. C.T. Vivian, and of all the brave young women and men who were students in Nashville when they made history. They both signed my copy.

Like Thomas Jefferson and John Adams, who died on the same July 4, the deaths of Lewis and Vivian on the same July 17 is another great coincidence of our American history now.

I know I am but one of millions who are searching today for words worthy of what passed from us on Friday. At the end of last December, when we learned that Mr. Lewis had been diagnosed with cancer, I wrote the Field Note below. I was hoping to place his life and career in a fuller context, at least for my own reckoning, in the town where he “soared into history.”

I reprint it here now, prayerfully and with great respect, because I can do no better on this mournful day.

o

December 30, 2019

“Where Did the Courage Come From?”

Word came on Sunday that Congressman John Lewis of Georgia is gravely ill. The diagnosis: Pancreatic cancer, Stage 4.

His office told reporters, in Mr. Lewis’ own words, that he intends to fight back and plans to lick this latest foe. He is a man who has fought many fights, and most often he has triumphed. This man of great strength, great courage, and great heart.

John Lewis has been a member of Congress for 20 years. Elected ten times. Health permitting, he could be elected ten times more. For those who remember the path he has walked (and we should all remember) you know he is as connected to Nashville as to Atlanta.

It was here that he came to college and seminary, at Fisk University and American Baptist. Here this man of modest height grew tall in history. Here, when he was 20, he was arrested and jailed with other peaceful but determined young people for daring to integrate lunch counters on Church Street.

That’s when his prestige and theirs soared into history.

o

If you ever met John Lewis, this man who paired a kind and knowing smile with the preacher’s thunder, you did not forget him. I was blessed to meet him three times, once in Atlanta, a chance encounter in a shopping mall, and twice more in private homes in Nashville:

1. I was walking through the Lenox Mall in Buckhead when I spotted the congressman talking with two other men. I couldn’t resist telling him I was from Nashville, how much we appreciate him and his story here. He shook my hand, and I remember he described Nashville as “the beloved city.” That expression, from the Bible, was not original with Mr. Lewis but he said it a lot about Nashville. So formative was his time here as a young man.

2. The second time, in November of 1998, was at the home of Pam and Phil Pfeffer. Phil was then president of the publisher Random House, and the evening reception was to honor both David Halberstam on the publication of The Children, and also the people he had written about. It is now the primary reference on how all those students had helped to ignite the national Movement in 1960 – the courage it took, how they suffered verbal and physical abuse to bring about justice, and the long-term examples they set.

I caught up with Pfeffer this morning. He reminded me that this reception had been the first time so many of the original Freedom Riders and Nashville students had re-convened in Nashville. To this day, on my own bookshelf, is my copy of The Children. In its front pages are the signatures and sentiments of Congressman Lewis, Hank Thomas, Gloria Johnson-Powell, George Barrett, Dr. C.T. Vivian, the Rev. Jim Lawson, and of John Seigenthaler, among others there that night. I cannot scan the names without realizing so many of these are gone now.

3. The third time was fourteen years later, at Seigenthaler’s home in Whitworth. The congressman had returned to Nashville that day for a midday tribute event honoring his old friend. Seigenthaler had invited several dozen of his other friends, mostly from the newspaper days, over to meet Mr. Lewis.

At a point in the evening, Seigenthaler called for silence. He said he was going to ask Rep. Lewis to say a few words, and that as our host he would then open a brief period of Q&A. The congressman then spoke with great eloquence and strong feeling of the days of sit-ins, arrests, and the rough stuff. And he spoke of how the fight must continue in our present day, because discrimination may be less visible but is still insidious.

There were a half-dozen questions, but I only remember one. It was Seigenthaler who asked it, and it stilled the room:

“John Lewis, but where did the courage come from?”

This man who had been beaten and bloodied in his youth, who had persevered and rose into history, gave his answer and it reminded me of Halberstam’s words in The Children:

“Jim Lawson had prepared them well. He had taught them what to expect. Most important of all, they had each other. There was strength not so much in their numbers, although that helped, but in their shared belief. Jail was not crushing; it was, (Lewis) thought to his amazement, liberating.”

God bless John Lewis.

Much love, and deepest respect, from your Beloved City.

'Breathing Room'

When can our schools re-open, and how can they do it safely?

This has emerged as The Great Urgent Question of our 2020 summer, and it is the knottiest policy puzzle of all - with human health and the well-being of many families at stake.

Public education has always lived at the intersection of policy and politics, and never has this been truer than right now. With Covid-19 surging again nationwide, and clearly so across Tennessee, all the stakes are vastly higher now.

Good people are at work on this Rubik’s Cube, but cities are on largely their own to come up with smart answers. For a dozen reasons there is little confidence or trust in the federal policymakers now. Sadly, nowhere is the brokenness of Washington more visible now than on this education front.

I hope you will read my Sunday newspaper column in The Tennessean print edition. You can also get an early look here: https://www.tennessean.com/story/opinion/columnists/2020/07/17/nashville-school-reopening-safety-coronavirus/5437695002/

…or just click on the “Columns, etc.” menu at the top of this page.

Thank you again for subscribing to the Field Notes.

© Keel Hunt, 2020

N.B. Forrest and the Setting Sun

It never had to be this hard. It should never have taken this long.

What Tennessee’s officialdom has allowed to happen, in their slow-motion handling of the bust of General Nathan Bedford Forrest, is about to leave some larger wreckage in the wake of such long indecision. It will neither end nor be forgotten anytime soon.

Far from “erasing history,” as Forrest’s defenders always claim, this episode has me thinking about a lot of history, including what history may record of this current moment.

Tennessee’s own public profile has taken quite a beating in this elongated process that should have been unnecessary. But the principal politicians have long feared to touch either that bust or the broader subject it raises about our country. Instead, they chose to hide behind each other.

The prevailing tone has been one of fear – fear of loosening the grip of tradition, fear of looking weak, fear of one’s most hidebound constituents, fear of reprisals from the bitter-enders who stoke the flickering flame of the Lost Cause. Even this week, on the day of the latest decision step, the legislative members of the commission could not free themselves of a sense of obligation to other adamant legislators.

For too long, the chosen strategy was one of simple, stubborn avoidance.

Remember, in the end it was not any official process that unravelled this tangled puzzle of what Forrest represents but the pressure of sustained citizen action. That finally is what forced this issue and brought it to a head. It was the volume of public protests that will have brought the thing down, not any boldness on the part our elected leaders. 

We’ve known for some time that our legislature and governor are much more conservative now than Tennessee’s general population. The officials are much more resistant to any change. We’ve seen this on other issues, like Medicaid expansion. Polling has consistently shown it has popular support by a wide margin, though the General Assembly says no even now - even as rural hospitals close and uninsured people worry about healthcare in a pandemic.

The Forrest bust has rested in its elevated, honored niche at the capitol for 42 years, since 1978 when it was first placed there in the final year of Gov. Ray Blanton’s administration. Only in the past couple of years has it become a broad emblem, or proxy, for all the Confederate statuary across the South. For Tennesseans, Forrest’s is the face of all the furor swirling over history and our race relations today.

This is still not over, by the way. The final removal must await one more process step with yet another state government panel, probably in the fall. And even then, it still won’t be over.

This tedious, over-processed route that Gov. Bill Lee chose to take with this will, in fact, only kick the can down the road. More precisely, down the Hill.

It’s to be installed somehow in our gleaming new Tennessee State Museum, which sits not in Siberia but monumentally on the grand Bicentennial Mall. And what judgments will be made about it there? Its presentation in the new spot will be a test of the museum’s curatorial leadership, first, but what might the people do about it after that?

Will further acts of protest occur in the new museum? More civil disobedience? What might state troopers be ordered to do in response there?

The big-shots in their offices and chambers at the top of the hill live smugly in their culture of avoidance, but history dies hard. At the end of the day, they have solved nothing.

This is not about one bust. This story will not go away, I think. It will continue to unspool out into our future, so long as we resist our reckoning with the past.

Be not proud of this, anyone.

© Keel Hunt, 2020